Chapter 10

Why have governments expended so much effort and resources in collecting and compiling statistics on crime? Have the reasons for this activity changed over time?

Are some kinds of crime more easily 'measurable' than others? Does this have implications for our perceptions of different 'crime problems', and for policing or criminal justice policy? (See also Chapters 21, 22, 27)

The 'discovery of the victim', and a shift in focus from the offender to the offence, have both been identified as key features of crime policy over the last 30 years. How are these developments related to changes in the nature and scale of the production of data about crime? (See also Chapters 15, 17, 26)

What significant changes has the Home Office introduced since 1998 in relation to both crime recording practices and the presentation of the 'official' criminal statistics? What have been the effects of these changes, both intended and unintended?

If we want to understand trends in crime, should we pay more attention to police recorded crime or the British Crime Survey? (See also Chapters 15, 21)

Are those offenders who are convicted in court reasonably representative of all offenders? How do we know? (See also Chapter 1)

Should 'official' crime statistics be produced independently of government? Why has this become a live issue in recent years? (See also Chapters 3, 9)

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Oxford University Press, Online Resource Centre, Chapter 10.

Chapter 10